Guardian

THE world loves the bandwagon, but not Chief Oghenovo Charles Majoroh. He does not see anything special about celebrating birthdays that have round figures. Landmarks better define this for him. And he’s right.

This Sunday evening, friends, family members and some media men, who have come to ‘party’ with him on his 67th birthday, surround him. Majoroh, the Principal Partner and founder of Ardek Nigeria Architects and Majoroh Partnership, Architects, Planners and Engineers, is really home and dry.

He is on traditional Urhobo dress — the kind of dress that draws predator nearer and whispers masculine spark. The former President of the African Union of Architects smiles as he talks about motivation to celebrate in a quiet way.

And the landmark?

“Odi compensation,” he breathes.

At 67, does he feel fulfilled?

“At 67, I can plan to do the job starting at 68 when I still have all my faculties, remember the entire training etc. to do the job,” he responds with a knowing laugh.

Since he doesn’t wear his religion like crucifix, he didn’t cross himself in gratitude that he is 67. The reality had begun to settle on him like a fire dust that this year’s birthday will be different when he heard the High Court judgment in favour of Odi. He smiles again.

Only recently, N36.7bn compensation was awarded to the community, which is in Bayelsa State over the military invasion of the village during the President Obasanjo administration.

“The N36.7 billion compensation for the Odi community is justice delayed,” he says, making it sound as if he is the community’s counsel. “Fortunately, it is not justice denied, as the wheels of justice grind slowly, but surely.”

He continues, “honestly, the kind of military mindset that resulted in the Odi invasion and massacre must be expunged from our democracy permanently. Never again must this kind of military rascality be tolerated in the country without clear accountability and reprobation.”

According to him, “unfortunately, so many years of military rule in our country has practically militarised the political structures and culture. We all, therefore, have a collective responsibility to eradicate these military vestiges and impunities from our democracy. The money should be managed directly by the people themselves for the exclusive reconstruction of the town and the rehabilitation of the citizens.”

Is he comfortable with the 2014 terminal date set by Federal Government on the Amnesty programme?

Majoroh, who, in his over 35 years of practice as an architect, has designed and executed many projects with clientele ranging from Federal and state governments to parastatals, private organisations and individuals, says, “the programme has greatly influenced the reign of peace in the Niger Delta and taken a whole generation of youths and able-bodied men out of the creeks and into the productive sector of our communities.”

He insists, “I do not know what made the 2014 deadline necessary, but surely until the goals of the programme are substantially met (particularly the training and re-absorption of the fighters into the mainstream of society) then setting a specific terminal date may be counterproductive.”

The Urhobo chief says confidently, “if, however, this date is based on purely financial considerations, then the cost benefits of the Amnesty should be weighed against the probable oil production losses as well as absence of the existing peace in that region.”

Recently, the Ministry of Niger Delta and NDDC have faced criticism and backlash.  Some pundits have even questioned their ability to fulfill the aspirations and yearnings of the people of the Niger Delta.

They are, however, not alone. Majoroh is with them. He explains earnestly, “the spirit behind the idea is novel and well meaning. But the organs have been politicised and peopled by persons who have not taken the assignment with the required vigour and aggression it requires.”

The elder statesman says: “People should look back and remember that these interventionist organs derive their being from the findings of the Henry Willinks Commission report of 1958, which over five decades ago, recognised the need to treat this riverine part of Nigeria with special care and attention.”

To him, a constant reminder should be in place at the swearing in all senior officers for the ministry and NDDC to imbibe the vigour and sense of urgency their tasks require.

“In essence there have been some successes but the conflicting roles of state government, local councils, Federal Ministries and these agencies have not been properly streamlined. The yearnings and aspirations of the Niger Delta have been partly fulfilled and will be further improved upon when the “contra-tendencies” are streamlined,” he quips.

HIS reaction to the deadlocked Petroleum Industry Bill at the National Assembly and how can the nation get out of the standoff and move the all-important sector of the economy forward?

He begins: “There are five major blocs or interests currently highlighted in the unfortunate face-off: The petroleum industry experts who see the old regime for exploiting our petroleum resources as outdated, inimical to the environment and skewed unfavourably to the advantage of the international oil companies (IOC).”

Majoroh continues, “the northern elements who do not have oil and consider anything that may benefit the oil producing areas as an issue that must be opposed even if there are profound benefits for the generality of Nigerians.”

He adds, “the international oil companies who want the status quo ante to remain.” The new oil finds in several parts of Africa which are being used to pressure Nigeria’s Production and marketing prospects to remain stagnant; and The increased production in America (from ‘fracking’), which used to be our main market now, putting a downward pressure on Nigerian’s sales and demand.”

He argues, “many flimsy reasons are being used to punch holes in the passage of the bill foremost of which is the 10 per cent provision for the benefit oil producing communities. Whereas, this is strictly meant to be taken from the profit after tax of the oil companies, therefore, it has no impact on the distributable pool available to all parts of Nigeria. The vociferous refusal from the nort to pass this bill simply because of that provision can only be attributable to primordial envy rather than economic issues.”

According to him, “there is urgent need for concerted persuasion of the ‘refusniks’ to the important bill. They need to be told about the dangers inherent in not passing the bill on time particularly given the ever changing balance between the cost of production and the cost of sales as the USA pushes for new energy sources, creative forms of renewable finds to compete for the same shrinking market.”

He says, “discussion on this very strategic bill should be shifted from the narrow confines of the National Assembly to the wider plains of the people and constituents who have not been influenced by the intense lobby of the IOCs. It calls for a national debate spearheaded by the leadership of all strata of our country, to be kicked off by the President himself. He must own the PIB project, and not pretend to be an uninterested observer.”

WHEN you replay the Urhobo Nation of your teen years and place it side by side

with present day Urhobo, in terms of socio-political development and national recognition? What emotions come to you?

Majoroh draws a deep breath and suddenly says, “an organisation of 80 years ought to have a much more organised plan for succession so that this should no longer be an issue. We need a re-affirmation of our understanding of the vision enshrined in our constitution.”

He confesses, “more strategic thinking based on relevant data collation and analysis; elimination of unnecessary internal squabbles and a more open, collective and inclusive decision making process.”

Has the Urhobo of your dreams been achieved?

“I have diligently held all the positions in the presidential hierarchy without upsetting or over stepping anyone even when the vacancies and opportunities beckoned. That is my mantra,” he smiles again.

Urhobo political leaders during the post-colonial era, and the years following Nigeria’s independence were recorded to be selfless, culturally conscious and immensely patriotic. However, reverse is the case today, what could be responsible and what would you proffer?

“That is essentially still present in some of our leaders. What are missing are a seamless leadership transfer and the institution of a minimum number of years of incubation as well as evidence of interest and participation from younger years in Urhobo affairs before aspiring to the top of the leadership pack,” he admits.

As a top national executive of the Urhobo Progressive Union (UPU), you wonder what has been the response of the union to the threat from ethnic neighbours?

He points out that the threats and challenges are more internal than external. “There has been a concerted reaching out effort in the UPU to our neighbours to form bridges for mutual benefit for the future. The recent past political experiences have been bad for us and the UPU will in due time find ingenious ways, working with all stakeholders to fashion a way out of the tunnel for this generation of Urhobo and the next,” the architect demurs.

Few years ago, you advised Urhobo to come out with a roadmap and to create machinery for discussing the way forward and to bring together divergent groups in Urhobo Land? Has this been achieved? What role would you play or have played towards this?

“I still believe in what I postulated at that time. Particularly in the need for the creation of institutions and systems, which should be in place to make the leadership more impersonal, such that in coming leadership should see and continue to execute a road map set up by previous occupants of positions in the organization,” he says with a slight self-consciousness.

His suggestions towards a greater, unified, Urhobo Nation.

He cackles, “I have been involved in the study of the antecedents of UPU for almost 15 years of stewardship and pupilage, having worked with three President Generals. My intention is to hit the ground running because of my previous background of service in UPU.”

Having served in various capacities in the national executive of the UPU all through the years, why are you always a Deputy President-General?

He draws a long laugh, worming himself to his guest. “The answer is simple, like I said earlier, I am a systems man, I believe in studying well before doing something. I do not like to take a job and not do it properly. That is I do not like shame.”

He continues in the lacerated voice of the confessional, “ in the Nigerian Institute of Architects, I served sequentially from third to 1st Vice President before becoming President. My record there is open for all to see. I have planned (six years ago) to move home before the end of 2013 to do this job for my people.

He says, “I know for a fact that the current President General is a friend, an officer, and gentleman. A man of honour. He does not desire a tenure elongation and has told me that personally; and also trusted mutual friends. I also do not believe in tenure elongation because there are many more Urhobo sons and daughters (competent and eager) waiting to serve. I state this as a Christian and fully aware of the ancestral consequences to any Urhobo man who lies or does not keep his word or promise.  So, you may ask where is this heating up of the Urhobo polity coming from? What is there to gain apart from weakening our front when we most desire unity of purpose?”